Burma (Myanmar since the military changed its official name in 1989), has been governed by authoritarian military regimes since 1962. In 1990, the pro-democracy parties gained over 80% of seats in the elections, which were considered free and fair, but a military junta refused to recognise the results. The main opposition leader, leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD), and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi, has remained under house arrest for most of the time. She was finally released on 13 November 2010. Suu Kyi has spent 15 of the last 21 years imprisoned or deprived of her freedom, whether in prison or under house arrest. The military government has not taken any other measure to release over 2,100 political prisoners.

Legislative elections were held in November 2010, the first in 20 years. In accordance with the results reported by the government, the Union Solidarity and Development Party, supported by the military junta in power, would have gained around 80% of seats, while participation would be around 70%. The elections were considered fraudulent and not free by the internal political opposition. The US president Barack Obama, and other leaders from the international community considered that these elections were "neither free nor fair."

The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), which represents the military junta, govern the country by decree. Smaller Peace and Development Councils are active in villages and regions and control all aspects of their inhabitants' lives. Women may not hold responsible political posts, and there are no women or any ethnic minority members in the SPDC and in the Cabinet. The ILO has a mediation office in Rangoon, but the people who try to report on the practice of forced labour are subjected to a penal trial.

Judicial power is subject to military control. The SPDC appoints judges to the Supreme Court. The upper echelons of the junta presumably decide the verdicts in political cases; trials are not opened to the public. The right to privacy is not guaranteed, and everyone who spends the night away from their official domicile must inform the police in advance. Private correspondence is monitored. Possession of an unauthorised telephone, fax or modem may be punished with a prison sentence. Citizens are subjected to a brutal surveillance system, harassment, intimidation and detentions. The security forces are accused of committing numerous human rights abuses.

Economic mismanagement and serious corruption for 40 years have produced widespread poverty, increasingly lower levels of education and seriously deteriorated economic conditions. Although the country has abundant natural resources, annual income per capita is very low and the majority of the population barely lives on the subsistence level.

On 4 May 2008 a huge cyclone lashed the southern cost of the country and caused, according to official data, 28,458 deaths, 33,019 injured and 33,416 disappearances. However, some NGOs (including NGOs under the auspices of the UN) estimate that there were over 100,000 victims and two million people displaced. The governmental authorities did not allow foreign specialists, sent to support the distribution of humanitarian aid by different countries, to enter the country, while they seized four aid consignments that were finally handed over to the civil population in boxes that had imprinted on them the figures of the country's ruling military dictatorship. Furthermore, it is reported that a good part of the aid was sold on the black market.

Civil servants and secondary and university students must join a pro-junta organisation to "mobilise the masses", which equates to forced labour in Myanmar.

Freedom of expression and of the press is seriously limited. Numerous writers and journalists are currently imprisoned for expressing their political opinions. The junta controls the entire media, which has become a propaganda organ for the government. Censorship prior to publication is compulsory. Access to electronic media is restricted, and it is compulsory to register telecommunication devices. Possession of non-registered equipment leads to a prison sentence. The access service to the Internet is restricted and very expensive, and emails are monitored.

On 15 August2007, the government took the decision to increase the price of fuel and the cost of transport considerably, against which sectors opposing the regime protested. The repression exercised on a group of Buddhist monks who had supported these initial demands, caused the mass mobilisation of Burmese monks, who protested peacefully against the military junta demanding political and social change. From 23 September2007, at least 20,000 people, 10,000 Buddhist monks and a similar number of sympathisers, congregated on the streets of Rangoon to demonstrate in favour of democracy. Likewise, they offered their support to Aung San Suu Kyi, who, still under strict house arrest, appeared in public for the first time in four years. Ever since, there has been international pressure demanding freedom and information transparency.

Trafficking in minors is an increasingly significant problem. According to reports, Burma is a preferential destination for the trafficking mafia. Women are victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation, and they are also obliged to work in factories and in domestic service. Government officials are accused of allegedly being involved in trafficking in persons. Homosexuality is legally prosecuted. Customs officials subject returning citizens to HIV/AIDS tests without their consent. People living with HIV or ill with AIDS are discriminated against, as well as the doctors who treat them. A protocol has been drawn up to carry out voluntary HIV/AIDS tests and give confidential advice, but it is not observed. Insurgent groups and government forces recruit child soldiers.

The abuses committed by the Burmese military against civilians in violation of international humanitarian law include the widespread use of anti-personnel mines, sexual violence against women and girls, extra-judicial executions, forced labour, torture, beatings and the confiscation of lands and assets. All parties involved in conflict in Burma continue actively recruiting and using child soldiers. The dictatorship continues to use them while the SPDC allegedly cooperates with the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to demobilise child soldiers.

Toms Ojea Quintana, Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, highlighted in his 2010 report that a "plan of serious and systematic violations of human rights" has been in place for many years and still continues in that country. He concluded that "UN institutions may consider the possibility to establish a Commission of Inquiry (CoI) with a specific fact-finding mandate to address the issue of crimes against humanity in the region". More than 13 countries have publicly supported the formation of an Indian Ocean Commission, including the USA, the UK and other European countries, Australia and Canada. However, the UN General Secretary, Ban Ki-moon, has not given his opinion publically on Ojea Quintana's proposal.

Minors under 18 years old constitute 40% of the population. The government allocates minimal resources to public education. Expenditure for education has been diverted to the armed forces. Legally, public education is free up to age 16. However, many teachers ask students' families for additional payments. When families are not able to pay, teachers usually stop teaching and look for other work. Private institutions have begun to impart classes, in spite of the current prohibition on private schools. The salary of a teacher working in a public school is 7 USD a month (7,000 MMK), well below subsistence wages. UNICEF points out that 50% of primary students leave school before finishing compulsory education. Destitute families are forced to send their children out to beg or work in factories. Many children have been interned in orphanages that do not have sufficient funds to look after them. The government promotes the Buddhist monastic schools in rural areas, and the Buddhist universities in Rangoon and Mandalay receive government funding. Education in local languages is prohibited in ethnic minority areas. The official minimum age for enlisting in the army is 18, but forced recruitment of minors continues.

A 2-year programme begins at age 3. At this level, 90% of education is private.

Education is compulsory between the ages of 5 and 9. Primary school begins at age 5 and lasts 5 years. The net enrolment rate is 88% (49% girls). Of the students enrolled in the first course, 70% reach the last primary education course. 1% of students repeat courses. There are 160,110 primary school teachers (81% female) of whom, 76% have received proper training. The pupil/teacher ratio (PTR) is 28: 1.

Secondary education begins at age 10 and lasts for 6 years. The NER is 50%. 2% of students retake a course. There are 78,144 secondary teachers, 58,488 (33% female) in lower secondary and 19,656 (78% female) in upper secondary schools, and 84% have the necessary training. The PTR is 34: 1 in secondary education.

555,060 pupils study in tertiary institutions, with a gross enrolment rate of 11%. 2,503 pupils study abroad, especially in the USA (691), Japan (492), Malaysia (348) Thailand (255) and Australia (211). Graduates who get a passport must return the cost of their education to the government.

There are scant resources available to care for children and adults living with some kind of disability. Disabled persons are discriminated against in society, and their welfare depends on the family care they receive. Disabled military veterans have priority to receive loans, and their pensions are normally comparable to the civil servant salary level. The government manages three schools for the blind, two for the deaf, two rehabilitation centres for adults and another two for children. Local NGOs manage four centres for the blind. In general, public centres and programmes receive very little funding.

The law does not provide for asylum or refugee status to be granted in accordance with the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol.

Minorities flee the country to escape from repression, forced labour and detentions. The deterioration of socio-economic conditions has increasingly made life more complicated for minority groups in particular. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child expressed its concern about the plight of Bengali children (Rhoingyas) in the northern region of Rakhine and of the plight of children from other ethnic, indigenous and religious minorities, and pointed out that they are very much denied their rights. Rhoingya Muslims may not access public schools after finishing primary education, since secondary institutions are reserved for citizens. The ethnic minorities use their own languages, but Burmese is the language of instruction in public schools. In the regions where the ethnic minorities live, primary and secondary public schools do not teach in the local ethnic minority language.

Academic freedom is severely limited. Students and teachers are subject to the same restrictions regarding freedom of expression, political activities and publications as other public employees. The Minister of Education has repeatedly warned teachers about the prohibition on criticising the government, and they are not allowed to talk about politics at work. They are also unable to join or support any political party or participate in political activities. It is necessary to ask for permission to meet up with foreign citizens. Students and teachers must form part of the governmental organisation for "mass mobilisation", and teachers are considered responsible for the political activities of their students. Foreigners may not access university campuses without prior authorisation. To prevent student mobilisation, campuses are located in remote areas. Many students prefer to study on their own or to receive private classes. Private academic institutions are strictly observed and controlled. Controls are extended to the schools of Buddhist monasteries, seminaries and Christian catechesis and Muslim madrasas.

There is no independent organisation fighting for women's rights, although there are some groups financed by the public authorities to promote government policy, such as the Myanmar Women's Affairs Federation, presided over by the Prime Minister's wife. The Burmese army uses rape as a weapon of war. Domestic violence is a serious problem and there are no specific provisions to combat it. It is not safe for women to travel alone. There are no laws or provisions against sexual harassment. Women are hardly represented in the traditionally masculine professions, and they are not allowed to practice certain occupations. The law does not provide the principle of equal pay for a job of equal value or equivalent value.

The minimum working age is 13, but the law is not observed. Forced child labour is a serious problem. Child labour is increasingly more visible in the cities. Boys work from an early age on family farms in rural areas and in the informal sector in the cities. Male adolescents must work as carriers in the army.

There is still severe repression against all forms of trade union activity, and the ILO continues to express its profound concern about this situation. The Federation of Trade Unions-Burma (FTUB) is still considered to be an illegal organisation.

The government fixes wages in the public sector, while market forces do the same in the private sector. Pressure is exerted to ensure that private salaries do not exceed the salaries of high-ranking public employees. There are specific industrial estates owned by the military. The ILO has indicated in different reports that military units impose forced labour via verbal instructions so as to not leave any written evidence. The army also demands a compulsory contribution of materials or money, which is a substitute for forced labour on occasions. Prisoners are also used for forced labour. The civil servant salaries and government pensions are paltry.

Trade union rights lack all guarantee in law, and different orders and military decrees limit them still further. The 2008 Constitution stipulates that "laws necessary for protecting workers rights," shall be passed, but it does not say anything about their content. Even when it is permitted to form a trade union provided that it represents 50% of workers, this remains explicitly conditioned on not being "contrary to the laws decreed for trade union security, to the prevalence of law and order, to the peace and tranquillity of the community, or to morality and public order." Furthermore, prior to being able to be established, the trade union organisations have to obtain authorisation from the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Religious Affairs, and the single trade union system, in force since 1964, presents another obstacle towards unionisation. Conversely, trade union activities are severely limited by Order 2/88, which prohibits any activity of five persons or more, such as meeting or marching in procession, and which also stipulates that nobody is authorised to block roads, demonstrate en masse, or to interfere in the work of persons in charge of carrying out security tasks. The right to collective bargaining is not recognised, and industrial conflicts are covered by the Trades Disputes Act, which includes a series of provisions that do not conform to international standards. The sanctions for non-compliance with these laws are extensive and can include a prison sentence of up to five years.

State of World Population 2010. "From conflicts and crises towards renewal: generations of change" UNFPA, November 2010, www.unfpa.org (Spanish)

World Report 2011, Human Rights Watch, New York, USA, January 2011, www.hrw.org

2010 Annual Report on Violations of Trade Union Rights, International Trade Union Confederation, Geneva, July 2010, www.ituc-csi.org